was not forgotten. The first half of the 1950s witnessed `a long and at times
agitated phase' of international activity on this subject (FAO, 1975). Responding
to ECOSOC and the UN General Assembly resolutions regarding the problem
of food in times of emergency, procedures were evolved under the leader-
ship of the FAO director-general: to investigate threats of localized famine;
initiate intergovernmental consultations; and bring about `prompt, concerted and
effective assistance'. At the same time, in a resolution passed by the UN General
Assembly in 1954,
difficulties depending on the global food stocks situation when a disaster struck.
With plentiful stocks, as was the case during the 1950s and 1960s, the main
problem was to finance, and guarantee in advance (and on agreed conditions),
the speedy delivery to disaster-stricken areas of the relatively small portion of
total available stocks that were required for emergency relief. Hence, a group
of experts convened in the early 1950s dismissed the case for an emergency
food reserve physically established in advance and gave preference to an inter-
national relief fund for the purchase of relief supplies as and when needed.
Other suggestions included contingent national pledges in kind to be activated in
emergencies.
commercial demand. In such circumstances, it was considered that no famine
relief fund was likely to command resources sufficient to secure, at short notice,
the quantities required without triggering a rise in market prices, which would
further reduce the fund's purchasing power. In any case, both approaches a
physically established world food reserve and an international relief fund proved
equally unacceptable to governments, and the FAO Conference took no action on
any of the many alternative proposal presented to it in 1953.
